What happened when RSS was banned 3 times in the past

Contrary to the popular perception, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh and the Congress have had a chequered history with patches of cosy relations and proximity that have brought dividends to both sides.

In this context, the muted demand from a section of Congress seeking a ban on the RSS in the wake of sanctions against the radical Popular Front of India (PFI) lacks the courage of conviction.

As reported by a section of the media, the RSS, formed in 1925 by a disillusioned Congressman Dr Keshav Baliram Hedgewar and claiming to be a 'cultural' organisation, has faced prohibitions thrice in 1948, 1975 and 1992.

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The 1948 ban following the assassination of Mahatma Gandhi was perhaps the most difficult challenge. A government communique issued on February 4, 1948, by the Union Home Ministry headed by Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel had said it was banning the RSS “to root out the forces of hate and violence that are at work in our country and imperil the freedom of the nation and darken her fair name”. The communique had further stated: “Undesirable and even dangerous activities have been carried on by members of the Sangh. It has been found that in several parts of the country individual members of Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh have indulged in acts of violence involving arson, robbery, dacoity, and murder and have collected illicit arms and ammunition.”

In a letter written to Dr Syama Prasad Mookerjee, Patel observed, “There is no doubt in my mind the extreme section of the Hindu Mahasabha was involved in this conspiracy. The activities of the RSS constituted a clear threat to the existence of the Government and the State.”

There was considerable unease all over. Almost 18 months later, Patel himself lifted the ban on the RSS, extending an olive branch of sorts. The informal condition was that the RSS would stay away from politics. Many academicians and political analysts think that a via media was formed when the Bharatiya Jana Sangh, considered to be an earlier avatar of the present-day Bharatiya Janata Party, was formed. Sangh ideologue and political commentator S Gurumurthy, however, contests the thrust given to RSS staying away from politics as a condition for lifting the ban. He cites a statement made by Morarji Desai at the Bombay Legislative Assembly on September 14, 1949, admitting that the ban on RSS was lifted unconditionally and that the RSS gave no undertaking.

The second ban on the RSS was far more political in nature when its activities were curtailed during the 1975 emergency imposed by Indira Gandhi. Another ban followed in 1992 after the demolition of Babri Masjid in Ayodhya. The ban was imposed by prime minister PV Narasimha Rao and his home minister, Shankarrao Balwantrao Chavan. The Rao government had banned the RSS, the Vishwa Hindu Parishad, the Bajrang Dal and the Jamaat-e-Islami Hind, and the Students Islamic Movement of India (SIMI). The government, however, failed to justify it before a central tribunal. Like Patel, Rao is now being touted as a right-wing icon.

Interestingly, in 2018, RSS supremo Mohan Bhagwat asserted that slogans like 'Congress-mukt Bharat' were mere political slogans. Bhagwat was speaking at a book launch in Pune in April 2018 when he said, “These are political slogans. It is not the language of the RSS. The word 'mukt' (free or liberated) is used in politics. We never use the language of excluding anyone.”

It may also be noted here that though the country’s first prime minister Jawaharlal Nehru was generally unsparing in criticising the RSS, he occasionally praised the Sangh Parivar, particularly when Pakistan attacked Jammu and Kashmir soon after independence and Sangh volunteers had gone there to help. During the Chinese aggression too, Nehru had acknowledged services rendered by the RSS and even invited the RSS to participate in the 1963 Republic Day parade.

After Indira Gandhi's assassination, Rajiv Gandhi reportedly had a secret meeting with the RSS chief Balasaheb Deoras resulting in the RSS cadre supporting the Congress in the 1984 Lok Sabha elections despite the presence of the BJP on the political scene. Rajiv had met Bhaurao Deoras, younger brother of Balasaheb Deoras, at least half a dozen times at different locations, including 46, Pusa Road, New Delhi, the residence of a family friend and alcohol baron Kapil Mohan who died recently. Close Rajiv associate Arun Singh, Delhi mayor Subhash Arya and liaison man Anil Bali were among those present. Buzz was that the RSS wanted Rajiv to open locks of the Babri Masjid-Ram Janmabhoomi and get clearance for Ramanand Sagar's epic Ramayana on state TV Doordarshan.

In fact, RSS support for Congress was evident even before Indira's assassination in October 1984. It was evident in an article authored by veteran RSS ideologue Nanaji Deshmukh. Published in Hindi magazine Pratipaksh ‘Moments of Soul Searching’ on November 25, 1984, Deshmukh’s article ended with a call to bless and cooperate with Rajiv Gandhi when voting was less than a month away. Nanaji Deshmukh described Indira: “Indira Gandhi ultimately did secure a permanent place at the doorstep of history as a great martyr. With her dynamism born out of her fearlessness and dexterity, she was able to take the country forward like a colossus for over a decadeshe alone had the ability to run the decadent political system of our corrupt and divided society"

Prior to this, Indira had sought to cultivate the majority community, accepting the invitation to launch the VHP's 'Ekatmata Yatra', also called the 'Ganga Jal Yatra'. This was a nascent Vishwa Hindu Parishad's first mass contact programme, giving a glimpse that Hindu rituals and symbols could be effectively utilised for popular and political mobilisation. Bureaucrat and author SS Gill noticed that by 1982-83, Indira lacked social solicitude towards Muslims. A clear indication came from her loyalist CM Stephen who declared in 1983, "The wavelength of Hindu culture and the Congress culture is the same". Barely six months before her assassination, prime minister Indira sought to assure the majority community that “if there is an injustice to them or if they did not get their rights, then it would be dangerous to the integrity of the country.”

Throughout his tenure as Congress president and prime minister, PV Narasimha Rao was accused of going soft on RSS. In fact, before Babri Masjid fell on December 6, 1992, Rao was in close touch with top RSS leadership in order to find an out-of-court settlement of the vexed Ayodhya issue. When Prof Rajendra Singh aka Rajju Bhaiya took over as RSS chief in 1994, a section of Congress cut a joke whispering, “Arre Rao Sahib Phir Rah Gaye” (Oh, Rao has missed the chance again).

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(This article is authored by Rasheed Kidwai, who is a journalist and author of 24 Akbar Road and Sonia: A Biography)